WITITJ HEALING

 

Dreamtime Wold Dawn 

 

dream-time, or world dawn

Australian Aboriginal  languages altjira, altjiranga, alcheringa, wongar, or djugurba

In religious affairs everywhere women took orders from, rather than gave orders to, initiated men.

Traditionally, most dissension arose over women, religious matters, and death. Some women fought with husbands, eloped, and engaged in unsanctioned extramarital liaisons. Such behaviour could mean serious fighting involving relatives of the parties concerned. Infringement of sacred law was less direct in its social repercussions but was nevertheless regarded as the most serious of all. In many cases an ordinary or accidental death had wide ramifications, particularly if they were accompanied by accusations of sorcery. An inquest was held, and, through divination, a supposed "murderer" was found. Punitive measures might or might not be taken against him.

Aborigines relied heavily on effective socialization and the inculcation of a high level of self-regulation, reinforced by strongly developed emotions of shame and embarrassment, to ensure individual conformity to society’s rules. Wrongdoers were generally more afraid of secular sanctions or sorcery than they were of supernatural punishment, since the withdrawn creative beings did not punish individuals. The rules were unwritten but known to all, and an array of sanctions, positive and negative, supported them. When action was called for against transgressors, role allocation depended on the kinship relationships involved; for example, "elder brothers" were often the major punishers of errant "younger brothers" but were also their nurturers and defenders in the case of an unwarranted attack.

The maintenance of law and order was quite narrowly localized. Authority was limited and qualified by kinship claims. Precedents were sought in order to guide or influence actions resulting from a breach, and all societies followed approved procedures for maintaining the peace. There were no judicial bodies as such, though on the lower Murray River a formal council, or tendi, of clan headmen and elders did arbitrate disagreements between adjacent groups. Generally, simple informal meetings of elders and men of importance dealt with grievances and other matters. There was also settlement by ordeal—the most outstanding example of this sort being the Makarrata (magarada, or maneiag) of Arnhem Land. During a ritualized meeting, the accused ran the gauntlet of his accusers, who threw spears at him; a wounded thigh was taken as proof of guilt.

Although it is inaccurate to speak of a gerontocracy in Aboriginal Australia, men of importance were easily distinguished. They were usually "elders" who had this status not necessarily because of their age or gray hair but because of their religious position and personal energy.

Men’s networks of obligations were generally wider than those of women. They included payment in meat for ritual knowledge until their achievement of senior status and wisdom earned them roles as directors of ritual and guardians ofsacred objects and lore.

Aesthetics

Sacred ritual provided immense scope for aesthetic expression, especially in dramatic performances with stylized posturing and complicated dance movements. Less intense but sometimes almost as elaborate were the nonsacred ceremonies (corroborees) with dance, mime, and singing designed for entertainment and relaxation. Songs ranged in style from the succinct verses or couplets of central Australia and the Great Sandy Desert, which were made up of three, four, or more words repeated in linked sequences, to the more elaborate songs of northeastern Arnhem Land, which were long verses building up complex word pictures through symbolic allusion and imagery. There was no poetry in terms of spoken verse, but there were chants, some of them outstandingly beautiful. The majority of secret-sacred songs comprised mythic cycles, each containing several hundred verses. The wide repertoire of songs on everyday events included the "gossip" songs of western Arnhem Land, composed by songmen with the aid of spirits. Instrumental music in the north was provided by the didjeridu and clapping sticks. In southern and central regions boomerangs or clubs were rhythmically beaten together or pounded on the ground; in southeastern Australia women used skin beating pads. Tunes and rhythms varied greatly from area to area.

Oral literature was rich. In addition to sacred mythology there were ordinary stories and tales, either historically true or presumed to be true. Some existed in several versions, depending on the situation in which they were told and the individual background of the storyteller.

Early alien contact

Aborigines who lived on the north coast were the only ones to encounter foreign visitors before European settlement. Seagoing Makassarese traders from the Indonesian archipelago began making regular visits to Arnhem Land sometime before the 1700s to harvest bêche-de-mer (sea cucumber, or trepang) for export to China. They had a powerful impact on local art, music, ritual, and material culture. In the northeast, on Cape York Peninsula, Papuan visitors from New Guinea also had an influence; bows and arrows, dugout canoes, masked ritual dancing, and the use of the drum can all be traced to them. Yet these influences did not penetrate into the rest of the continent, the inhabitants of which had no knowledge of non-Aborigines and no need to develop cultural mechanisms aimed at withstanding the impact of alien and culturally different peoples.

The Europeans

British settlement, dating from 1788, was altogether different. The arrival of carriers of a powerful imperialist culture cost the Aborigines their autonomy and the undisputed possession of the continent, and it forced them into constant compromise and change as they struggled to accommodate the newcomers. Initial contacts were often tentative but friendly. Although the Colonial Office in London prescribed the safeguarding of indigenes’ rights and their treatment as British subjects, friction soon developed between the colonists and local Aborigines. Communication was minimal and the cultural gulf was huge. Once European settlement began to expand inland, it conflicted directly with Aboriginal land tenure and economic activities and entailed the desecration of Aboriginal sacred sites and property. Clashes marked virtually all situations where conflicting interests were pursued, and the Europeans viewed Aborigines as parasites upon nature, defining their culture in wholly negative terms.

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/171252/the-Dreaming?source=widget&id=53652

The emergence of the concept of the sacred

ARTICLE
from the
Encyclopædia Britannica
also called dream-time, or world dawnAustralian Aboriginal languages altjira, altjiranga, alcheringa, wongar, or djugurba

mythological period of time that had a beginning but no foreseeable end, during which the natural environment was shaped and humanized by the actions of mythic beings. Many of these beings took the form of human beings or of animals (“totemic”); some changed their forms. They were credited with having established the local social order and its “laws.” Some, especially the great fertility mothers, but also male genitors, were responsible for creating human life—i.e., the first people.

Mythic beings of the Dreaming are eternal. Though in the myths some were killed or disappeared beyond the boundaries of the people who sang about them, and others were metamorphosed as physiographic features (for example, a rocky outcrop or a waterhole) or manifested as or through ritual objects (see tjurunga), their essential quality remained undiminished. In Aboriginal belief, they are spiritually as much alive today as they ever were. The places where the mythic beings performed some action or were “turned into” something else became sacred, and it was around these that ritual was focussed.

The Dreaming, as a coordinated system of belief and action, includes totemism. Together, they express a close relationship: man is regarded as part of nature, not fundamentally dissimilar to the mythic beings or to the animal species, all of which share a common life force. The totem serves as an agent, placing man within the Dreaming and providing him with an indestructible identity that continues uninterruptedly from the beginning of time to the present and into the future.

 

ARTICLE
from the
Encyclopædia Britannica
also spelled Churinga

in Australian Aboriginal religion, a mythical being and a ritual object, usually made of wood or stone, that is a representation or manifestation of such a being. An Aranda word, tjurunga traditionally referred to sacred or secret–sacred things set apart, or taboo; for example, certain rites, stone, and wooden slab objects, bull-roarers, ground paintings and earth mounds, ritual poles and emblems, headgear, and sacred songs. More popularly, the term is applied to flat, oval, worked stones, normally incised with sacred designs, and to wooden boards ranging in length from about 2 inches (5 centimetres) to 10 feet (3 metres) or so and bearing intricate patterns of mythological significance. Most tjurunga were used in men’s secret–sacred rituals; some small objects figured in women’s rituals and still smaller objects in men’s love magic.

Each person has a personal bond with a tjurunga. At initiation, a youth (not a girl) is introduced to the rituals and tjurunga of his local descent group and to those of others. Later he receives his own tjurunga object and the knowledge that goes with it (or them). At death, the tjurunga might be buried with the corpse, or the dead person’s spirit might seek the place where its tjurunga “body” (that is, the mythic being itself) rested.

Tjurunga represent in essence the indestructible personalities of members of the local descent groups connected with them; they assert the continuity of all life and human immortality. They are a symbol and an expression of communication between man and the mythological time called the Dreaming, between man and the great mythic beings, and between the material aspects of ordinary living and the spiritual heritage of man

 

 

 

Rainbow Serpent

Rainbow Serpent is spoken of as "the mother of all".

Knight thinks that this mysterious Australian mythic being refers in fact metaphorically to -- that is, is a mythic codification of -- menstrual solidarity itself (p. 456). We would have to disagree. As we argue elsewhere that human spirituality is a function of the pre-scientific, functional intuition of the law of Conservation, the Rainbow Snake (Serpent) in fact just is the Australian way of conceptualizing the "sacred," i.e. the undifferentiated energetic substratum of being from which all individual beings crystallize and emerge -- like mana, maat, Dao, hupokeimenon: "Maddock... suggests that 'what is called the Rainbow Serpent is but a visually striking image of force or vitality [i.e. "energy" as the real substance of material being], a conception that cannot adequately be given figurative expression'. As evidence, he cites the Dalabon term bolung, which signifies not only 'rainbow', 'snake' and 'the mother of all' but also 'ambiguity in form, creativity, power, and time long past'" (p. 455). As the substratum of being the Rainbow Snake is, just like the other primitive concepts of the sacred, air, the atmosphere, the sea, the water... and blood -- that which runs through all beings as their underlying substance; this is why the Rainbow Snake is spoken of as "the mother of all". And it is as such that it naturally incorporates the notion of cyclicity because the cycles of nature (seasons, moon phases, etc.) are simply its internal metabolic rhythm: "As a first approach to an understanding of the Dalabon (central Arnherm Land) term for rainbow snake, bolung, [Maddock] suggests that we should 'lay stress on the cyclicity embedded in the concept and... draw attention to the role of cyclical thinking in Aboriginal thought generally'" (p. 456). As at this time the human society is considered as an integral component of the entire cosmos itself conceived as an organism, social cyclicity -- rituals at definite intervals, which we show elsewhere to be the primitive attempt to fight the natural entropy-increase and which therefore is understood as society's eating (full of energy - gradual starvation - the need to eat again: and this is the entropic meaning, as understood by the primitives, behind Knight's concept of social rhythm as binarily structured around a ritual-production phase and an orgy-consumption phase) -- follows from natural cyclicity: "Stanner confirms that Aboriginal 'social time' is 'bent' into cycles or circles, each cycle being in essence 'a principle for dealing with social inter-relatedness'. He adds that this social cyclicity is integral to the concept of 'the Dreaming', a concept usually inseparable from 'Rainbow' and/or 'Snake'. Certainly it is the case that Aboriginal paintings and depictions of Snake/ Rainbow/ Dreaming mythic powers and personnages recurrently take the form of circles, concentric circles and curvilinear motifs of all kinds, often in association with women's bodies..." (ibid.). The parallel of the European Upper Paleolithic cave art with this (this to be considered later) reveals that such "ideology" is not just a local phenomenon, but "human" in general.

 

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